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The U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, Mike Waltz, recently presented a draft resolution to the U.N. Security Council. This initiative aims to support President Donald Trump’s peace plan for Gaza and includes provisions for an international security force, as informed by a senior U.S. official.
Waltz engaged with representatives from key Muslim-majority nations including Egypt, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. These nations are expected to play an essential role in coordinating humanitarian and reconstruction efforts in alignment with the peace proposal. The draft resolution seeks approval for a two-year international stabilization force to operate in Gaza under U.N. oversight, marking what officials term as ‘phase two’ of the larger postwar strategy.
Reports from Reuters and the Associated Press indicate that this draft could empower the proposed mission to employ ‘all necessary measures’ to secure Gaza, protect civilians, and initiate the demilitarization of armed factions once large-scale hostilities cease. An important component of the plan is the creation of a transitional ‘Board of Peace,’ designed to coordinate efforts with Egypt, Israel, and a vetted Palestinian police force.
While Washington has ruled out deploying U.S. combat troops, it has encouraged participation from Muslim-majority countries, including Indonesia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Turkey. However, Israeli officials have firmly stated their resistance to Turkish military presence near their borders.
The recent gathering also saw participation from representatives of the Palestinian Authority, marking a rare instance of diplomatic engagement. This is particularly significant given that the U.S. plan envisions reinstating authority to the Palestinian Authority after necessary reforms, a stipulation that has faced opposition from Israel, according to Axios.
In an interview with Fox News Digital, John Spencer, who chairs urban warfare studies at the Modern War Institute, expressed optimism about the potential success of this initiative, provided it is modeled on successful historical examples. Spencer emphasized the need for a defined mandate, sufficient troop presence, and the authority to act, drawing parallels to historical missions.
The deployment following NATO’s 1999 campaign in Kosovo stands out as a pertinent example. The Kosovo Force (KFOR) was established under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1244, fielding approximately 50,000 troops to stabilize the area, separate hostile combatants, and reestablish governance.
Spencer noted that Kosovo provides an exemplary model. It had a clear disarmament objective, a capable coalition, and enough troops to enforce peace effectively.
However, he cautioned that rebuilding Gaza will require comparable levels of patience, warning against the folly of hoping for quick, dramatic change. He illustrated his point by referencing the ongoing presence of KFOR, which continues to operate in the region decades later, albeit with reduced troop numbers.
The 1995 Dayton Accords, which concluded the Bosnian War, authorized the NATO-led Implementation Force (IFOR). Subsequently, the Stabilization Force (SFOR) operated in the region with around 60,000 troops tasked with enforcing peace, separating armed forces, and supporting reconstruction efforts.
Spencer highlighted that past successful interventions involved significant forces with clear disarmament mandates. He affirmed that success arises from missions that combine military strength with legitimate governance.
In contrast, he described the U.N. Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) as a glaring example of failure. Established in 1978 and extended after the 2006 conflict, UNIFIL struggled to achieve its goals.
Spencer remarked that the Lebanese peacekeeping force merely acted as observers without any authority to demilitarize. Consequently, Israel has criticized UNIFIL for its inability to prevent Hezbollah’s entrenchment in the region, raising questions about the potential consequences of repeating such oversights in Gaza. The mission there must be perceived as a form of liberation from militant control rather than an occupation.
Spencer advocates implementing an ‘inkblot strategy,’ whereby stabilization forces can create safe areas while military operations against Hamas continue elsewhere. This strategy enables the establishment of secured zones, allowing humanitarian assistance, demining activities, and reestablishing order to coexist alongside ongoing military engagements.
He predicts that the Israel Defense Forces will maintain their high-intensity combat operations while the proposed international force focuses on distributing humanitarian aid, demining, and restoring public order across stabilized regions.
During a recent visit to Gaza, Spencer noted the emergence of ‘a glimmer of hope’ in newly formed humanitarian zones within cleared areas. He emphasized that swift action — even on a modest scale — can foster a cycle of success.
Currently, approximately 200 U.S. personnel are operating in a civil-military coordination center, facilitating logistics and planning for the anticipated transition in Israel. Spencer stressed that this modest deployment will be crucial for overseeing aid distribution, reconstruction, and stabilization without engaging in direct combat.
Nevertheless, the path forward will be fraught with challenges. Spencer warned of disinformation campaigns and attacks from various groups opposed to peace. He argued that anticipating these efforts — particularly in the online space — will be essential for the mission’s success.
Moreover, he emphasized that stabilization must be accompanied by local capacity building. Training a vetted Palestinian police force and establishing a capable governance team is vital for fostering local legitimacy and trust.
Ultimately, the success of peace initiatives in Gaza depends on the ability to create a sustainable vision for the region’s future. Building trust through legitimate governance and commitment to disarmament will be critical as all parties navigate this complex landscape.