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President Donald Trump committed to remedying the consequences of his predecessor’s policies. This presents a significant challenge given the multitude of issues created during Joe Biden’s tenure.
Foremost among these issues was the management of the southern border. Trump efficiently implemented measures that countered Biden’s assertions that border control could not be achieved via executive actions. This decisive action garnered widespread approval from Americans.
Simultaneously, Trump intensified his efforts regarding the deportation of individuals residing illegally in the U.S., focusing specifically on violent criminals and gang members. In response, Democrats rushed to the federal courts to protect these individuals, not out of concern, but primarily to oppose Trump.
The Democrats sought out judges who would deliver favorable rulings through a process often referred to as judge shopping. This strategy proved to be effective for them.
Activist judges readily granted restraining orders and injunctions, prompting cheers from the Trump-opposing media. However, their moment of celebration was short-lived.
Before long, district court judges found themselves facing appeals due to improper rulings and misuse of judicial power. This outcome was entirely foreseeable.
Legal challenges arise consistently, sometimes on a daily basis, prompting Trump’s Justice Department to engage in an endless cycle of litigation.
To illustrate the ongoing struggle, here are three notable cases that exemplify this contentious legal landscape.
Kilmar Abrego Garcia was apprehended by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) while living in the U.S. illegally and sent back to El Salvador. Initially, a DOJ attorney claimed his deportation stemmed from an administrative error, but emerging evidence contradicted this statement.
Compelling documentation suggests that Garcia has ties to the notorious MS-13 gang. Attorney General Pam Bondi remarked that two separate immigration courts validated this connection in 2019, but allowed him to remain conditionally. Due to MS-13’s designation as a terrorist organization, Garcia became subject to immediate deportation. Any previous stay was nullified by this designation.
Garcia’s immigration status became irrelevant once he returned to El Salvador. The practical and legal implications of reversing his deportation are substantial.
Yet, federal District Judge Paula Xinis ordered the Trump administration to bring Garcia back to the U.S., despite the clear jurisdictional limitations. She overlooked the fact that no judge can exert authority over an individual located in a foreign country.
The U.S. Supreme Court intervened, making it clear to Judge Xinis that constitutional guidelines dictate that foreign policy is the domain of the president, not the judiciary. The high court advised her to respect the executive branch’s prerogative in foreign affairs — a veiled directive that highlighted her misinterpretation of judicial power.
While the Supreme Court suggested the U.S. could diplomatically seek Garcia’s release, this is not equivalent to mandating his return. The justices attempted to clarify this distinction to Judge Xinis, who seemed oblivious to the implications.
This matter has since become moot. During a recent meeting with Trump, Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele expressed his firm stance against releasing any suspected terrorists to his country, negating Xinis’ presumption of judicial authority.
Despite these developments, Judge Xinis seemingly chose to continue her pursuit of jurisdiction in the case. If she continues to disregard constitutional principles, her decisions may once again face scrutiny from the Supreme Court.
The next outcome could yield even sharper rebukes.
Mahmoud Khalil, a former graduate student and Palestinian activist linked to violent demonstrations at Columbia University, was detained by ICE and is currently awaiting deportation in Louisiana.
His legal representatives attempted to navigate the system through judge shopping in New York, but their efforts redirected the case to New Jersey, where Khalil was originally detained when his habeas corpus petition was filed.
In Louisiana, the immigration judge affirmed that the government has the legal authority to deport Khalil. Because green card holders like Khalil are classified as aliens under U.S. law, they possess conditional privileges rather than rights. Endorsing or supporting designated terrorist organizations such as Hamas can lead to the revocation of their status and deportation.
Evidence indicates Khalil played a significant role in organizing pro-Hamas activities on campus, which included vandalism, assault, and harassment of Jewish students and law enforcement.
Secretary of State Marco Rubio referenced legal statutes applicable in expulsion cases, emphasizing that Khalil’s actions directly contradict U.S. national security interests. The Louisiana judge ruled that this evidence sufficed for his deportation.
However, Khalil’s departure is not imminent as his legal team continues to contest First Amendment and due process rights in the New Jersey courtroom. Depending on how this situation unfolds, it could also escalate to the Supreme Court.
The most egregious rulings originated from the Trump administration’s efforts to deport members of Tren de Aragua, another recognized terrorist group. Under the Alien Enemies Act, numerous violent criminals were expelled to El Salvador.
Representatives for five gang members remaining in Texas engaged in judge shopping, which fortuitously led their case to federal District Judge James Boasberg. In an unprecedented move, Boasberg issued full-spectrum orders to stop deportations across American airspace.
This decree exceeds the scope of his judicial authority and disregards Texas jurisdiction. Boasberg’s subsequent nationwide injunction exemplifies a troubling trend of judicial overreach.
In a noteworthy victory for Trump, the Supreme Court annulled Boasberg’s ruling, noting that his jurisdiction was never appropriate for the case in question. This decision served as a pointed message to lawyers indulging in these manipulative tactics.
Despite this reprimand, Boasberg remains stubbornly attached to the case, indicating plans to hold the Trump administration in contempt for failing to act upon his orders, fully aware of his overreach.
The Supreme Court missed a crucial chance to address the damaging trend of district judges issuing sweeping national injunctions that infringe upon executive authority. For years, both liberal and conservative justices have criticized this practice. Their continued avoidance only paves the way for future abuses.
As anticipated, an Obama-appointed federal judge in Massachusetts issued a ruling obstructing Trump’s attempt to terminate temporary legal status for over half a million migrants from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela, and Haiti. This move disregards the principle that the same discretion that enabled the establishment of these programs allows for their dissolution.
The Supreme Court stands as a critical safeguard against activists who seek to undermine Trump’s immigration reform efforts for political gain. It is time for the court to adopt a firmer stance and curtail this ongoing legal maneuvering.
Until such measures are enacted, observers of this legal theatre will witness a continuous cycle of legal gymnastics.